Archival Research Feature Stories

Bette Davis vs. Hollywood: An Uncompromising Star

March 19, 2025

I. The Relentless Rebel

On Oct. 14, 1936, Bette Davis entered the High Court of Justice in London—not for a scene, not in costume, but to wage a real-life battle against one of the most powerful studios in Hollywood. Reporters crowded the entrance as Davis passed by the cameras with the same poise she brought to the screen.

At 28, with an Oscar already to her name, she was Warner Brothers’ brightest star—and their biggest problem. She had crossed the Atlantic to break free from a contract she described as “akin to slavery,” and now she was challenging it in a British court, thousands of miles from Hollywood.

This wasn’t a tantrum from a temperamental actress, as some in the press insisted. This was an early, bold stand against a studio system that owned its actors outright, dictating what they wore, whom they dated, and what parts they played. Bette Davis wasn’t just demanding better scripts; she was demanding the right to choose.

“Any actor who doesn’t dare to make an enemy should get out of the business,” Davis wrote in “The Lonely Life,” her 1962 autobiography. “I worked for my career and I’ll protect it as I would my children.”

To understand how she got here, one must rewind—not to Hollywood, but to Massachusetts.

As a teenager in Lowell, Davis didn’t have ordinary daydreams. Her Newton High School notebooks were filled with sketches of the Ziegfeld Theatre, her name glowing in lights on the marquee. In one doodle, she pictured herself in a chauffeured car, captioning it: A certain new Broadway star and her new Rolls-Royce.

Her journey from Massachusetts to Hollywood was anything but conventional. In an industry where beauty and charm were often the currency of success, Bette Davis was an anomaly–sharp-featured, fiercely independent, and unwilling to be anything but herself.

By 1930, she made her way to Hollywood, armed with New England grit and stage training. The film world wasn’t sure of what to make of her.

Her first screen test at Universal Studios was a disaster. Executives claimed she “lacked screen personality,” and Davis later admitted she was quietly fired. Things weren’t much better at Warner Bros., as rumors had floated around Hollywood calling her “colorless” and difficult to market. She didn’t fit the industry’s favored image of bubbly blonde femininity.

Around this time, Davis was introduced to Wilson Mizner, a sharp-tongued playwright known for his brutal honesty. An unpublished manuscript found in the Bette Davis Collection at the Howard Gotlieb Archival Research Center recounts a dinner party with Mizner. “Nature, with her usual lack of precision, has erred in your case, Bette,” he remarked. “Your dark hair fights with your blue eyes and too-light complexion.” His advice was blunt: dye your hair honey blonde.

She took it. Not long after, she was sitting alone in the Warner Bros. Cafe when filmmaker and actor George Arliss spotted her and asked to be introduced. That meeting landed her the lead role in “The Man Who Played God.” Later, when she called Mizner to thank him, he responded, “Thank the hairdresser.”

Davis had officially signed a five-year contract with Warner Bros by 1932. Almost immediately, she began turning heads—not with a traditional Hollywood glamour, but with a presence that broke through the studio’s glossy and predictable mold.

Then came “Dangerous. Released in 1935, the film starred Davis as Joyce Heath, a once-celebrated stage actress whose career and personal life had unraveled under the weight of alcoholism and scandal. At a time when most leading women clung to likeability, Davis ran towards roles that risked making her look cruel, broken, or bitter. She wasn’t chasing shock value—she was proving she had the emotional depth and courage of a true dramatic actress.

Her performance was intense, unglamorous, emotionally raw, and strikingly modern. It earned her the Academy Award for Best Actress. For some, the win was a surprise; for others, it was overdue recognition after her turn in “Of Human Bondage” the year before. Audiences were riveted by her refusal to soften the jagged edges of her characters.

“Dangerous” didn’t just make Davis a star—it marked her as a performer unwilling to play by the rules. Warner Bros. suddenly had a sensation on its hands, but not the kind content to smile for the cameras and say her lines. Davis craved something rare in the studio era: autonomy.

By 1936, she expected her Oscar to unlock a new tier of complex and demanding roles, but instead, the scripts got worse. When Warner Bros. handed her “Satan Met a Lady”—a flimsy, comedic remake of “The Maltese Falcon”—she was furious. Jack Warner promised better projects if she played along, stating, “Just be a good girl and everything will work out.”

After her next script proved to be another uninspired melodrama, Davis refused to film. Warner cut her salary and put her on suspension while she escaped the film set for a long and defiant stay in Laguna Beach. For Davis, the priority was never the paycheck, it was the work. She wanted roles that challenged her, not just filled studio quotas.

In a letter to Jack Warner written in June 1936, Bette states, “I would be willing to take less money, if in consideration of this, you would give me my 'rights.’...I am more than anxious to work for you again, but not as things stand. I really would be unable to do justice to my work at all—as I would feel I was coming back—not entitled to the things I sincerely believe I deserve.”

That’s when the smear campaign began. Warner-fed gossip columns painted her as greedy and temperamental—an ungrateful diva rather than an artist demanding better working conditions. Davis proposed a new contract with higher pay, fewer films, and more creative control, but Warner ignored it.

If Hollywood wouldn’t give her freedom, maybe England would.

II. The Trial Heard Across the Ocean

Her lifeline came in the form of Ludovico Toeplitz, a European producer with a bold offer: a two-film deal, full creative control, and generous pay. Toeplitz Productions, based in London, planned to shoot one film in Italy and another in France. For Davis, this wasn’t just a job, it was a rebellion.

She finalized the contract while honeymooning in Europe, where the Scottish press mockingly labeled her an “unemployed movie star.” As she prepared to begin filming, news of her defection reached Jack Warner, who promptly sailed to Venice for an unpleasant conversation with Toeplitz. No agreement was reached. Warner returned to London, furious. His wife, Ann, urged him to let the matter go, warning that it wasn’t worth the trouble, but Warner refused. 

On Sept. 9, 1936, Davis was served with an ex parte injunction from Warner Bros., barring her from working with any other studio. She had crossed an ocean for artistic freedom—now she’d have to fight for it in a British courtroom.

Davis remained defiant. “The refreshed thought that I could be forced into putting on a grass skirt and doing a hula if it so pleased my masters…so enraged me that when I heard Warner was serious enough to bring this to the English courts, I still refused to turn back.”

Intent on making an example of her, Warner enlisted Sir Patrick Hastings, one of Britain’s most renowned barristers. Toeplitz countered by recommending Sir William Jowitt, future Legal Chancellor, to represent Davis.

She wasn’t just battling Warner Bros.; she was challenging an entire industry that viewed her as a threat. Davis rejected material, defied authority, and demanded to be treated as more than a contract. Hollywood executives watched from afar, cheering for Warner to crush her rebellion.

The trial took place in a dark-wood-paneled courtroom at the Royal Courts of Justice, its vaulted ceilings and musty corridors echoing with the weight of tradition. Over three grueling days in October 1936, reporters filled the space, as Davis sat poised and tense beside her counsel. Davis later called it one of the most painful episodes of her life.

Davis watched as Sir Patrick Hastings expressed his disinterest and Jack Warner shifted uneasily beside him. When Warner finally took the stand, he looked pale and uncomfortable. “By the time Sir Patrick got through with my boss,” Davis later quipped, “it sounded as if I had been found in an ash heap and he and his brother Harry had breathed life into me.”

The trial’s most surreal moment came when Hastings, livid that Davis would not be cross-examined, reportedly ripped off his wig and flung it across the room. He’d wanted to interrogate her directly, to tear her credibility apart. Instead, he resorted to theatrics, sneering that Davis was simply a “naughty young lady.”

Sir William Jowitt delivered a powerful defense, arguing that Davis’s contract amounted to professional servitude. Under its terms, she couldn’t appear in a stage play, attend a charity gala, or even be photographed without Warner Bros. consent. Warner, Jowitt claimed, didn’t just own her career—he owned her.

In his closing argument, Jowitt pivoted to a more piercing point. If Davis were to sit idle, refusing to work for any other studio until her contract expired in 1942, Warner could extend it indefinitely by docking her for months she didn’t work. “I then suggest,” Jowitt continued, “that it is therefore not a legal contract, but a life sentence.”

His eloquence failed to sway the bench. The court ruled in favor of Warner Bros., declaring that Davis had indeed breached her contract. She was ordered to pay $80,000 in legal fees, equivalent to over $1.8 million today. The ruling left her financially drained, having been out of work for months. Back in Hollywood, the studio system celebrated her defeat. 

News of the decision reached Davis as she walked alone along the windswept Sussex coast. She later wrote, “I lost with a vengeance. I looked out to sea grimly and then wrote Mother. I never needed her so much in my life. Everyone has warned me not to fight. Well, I paid for it.”

She had little interest in returning to Hollywood in defeat. In that moment of doubt, she received an unexpected visit from George Arliss. “Go back, my dear Bette,” he told her gently. “You haven’t lost as much as you think…If in time you feel you’re being treated unjustly, put up another fight.” She would later credit him as the voice of reason she needed to hear.

In November, she waited at the Southampton docks for her voyage back to America aboard the Antiquata, bundled in a long dark trench coat as reporters lingered nearby. The gray sky and cold wind were a fitting backdrop for what she later called a reminder that she’s “never a good loser.”

III. She Did it The Hard Way

It didn’t take long for Bette to claw her way back. A Broadway play, “Jezebel,” had caught her attention. Set in antebellum New Orleans, the story followed Julie Marsden,  a fiery Southern belle whose pride, vanity, and refusal to conform lead her down a path of scandal, heartbreak, and eventual redemption. Davis saw herself in the character. Julie was proud, unpredictable, and more willing to destroy her own happiness than surrender control. For Davis, it wasn’t just another role—it was a psychological mirror.

Desperate to star in a film adaptation, she begged Warner Bros. to acquire the rights. They laughed her off. Then, she saw in the trade papers that Warner Bros. had, in fact, bought the rights—and that Miriam Hopkins, a frequent rival, had been cast as the lead.

In an unpublished interview also preserved in the Gotlieb Archive, Davis recalled her panic, stating, “I leapt to the phone at intervals of two hours and screamed: ‘You give that part to Miriam, and I’ll die!”

She fought—and this time, she won. In 1938, Davis starred in “Jezebel,” a role that earned her a second Academy Award. Her performance was electric. Davis didn’t soften Julie’s cruelty or impulsiveness—she leaned into them, daring audiences to empathize with a woman who refused to play by the rules. 

Critics were unanimous in their praise. The New York Times wrote, “Admittedly, it is a great role—rangy, full-bodied, designed for a virtuosa…but that must not detract from the eloquence, the tenderness, the heartbreaking sincerity with which she has played it.”

The role didn’t just secure her place among Hollywood’s elite, it redefined what a leading woman could be. Audiences embraced Davis not despite Julie’s flaws, but because Davis played them with such unflinching conviction. “Jezebel” was a turning point. No longer just a rebellious talent in Warner’s roster, Davis had become a creative force the studio could no longer ignore.

Davis didn’t just cement her place in Hollywood history; she opened a conversation for future legal battles against the studio system. 

“There is no doubt that the publicity attendant to my litigation paved the way for Olivia de Havilland’s eventual court victory over the immoral suspension clause,” Davis wrote. “Hollywood actors will forever be in Olivia’s debt.”

In 1944, Olivia de Havilland—frustrated by years of being suspended and given second-rate roles—sued Warner Bros. for abusing the “rollover” and “suspension” clauses in studio contracts. These clauses allowed studios to suspend an actor’s contract if they refused to work or were unavailable.

The California Court of Appeals historically ruled in Havilland’s favor, declaring that the clauses were a form of “peonage,” or illegal servitude. Superior Court Judge Charles S. Burnell’s decision became known as the De Havilland Law, a groundbreaking ruling that limited personal services contracts to seven calendar years, regardless of suspensions. Studios could no longer pause an actor’s contract and tack on additional time later.

This ruling reshaped the balance of power between actors and studios, signaling a victory not just for de Havilland and Davis but also for all actors who sought to reclaim their autonomy in a dominating studio system.

Bette Davis never stopped working. She was nominated for ten Academy Awards and starred in over 100 films across five decades, reinventing herself with every era.

In 1952, Post-“All About Eve,” Hollywood wasn’t offering the kinds of roles Davis wanted, so she returned to her East Coast roots and took the stage once again. She starred in the musical “Two’s Company,” performing eight shows a week at the Shubert Theatre in Detroit. The production traveled to Pittsburgh and Boston, and despite Davis often being bedridden and exhausted, she kept going. It was her nature.

On opening night, she received a telegram from an unknown “Chubby”: “Good little girls make personal appearances. But smart little girls give up California and try out Detroit.”

The note, saved among Davis’ papers at the Gotlieb Archival Center, was a witty nod to the very principles that defined her career: her refusal to play nice, fall in line, or be molded by the Hollywood studio system. While others stayed, taking the roles they were handed and smiling through it, Davis chose to go her own way.

More than thirty years after her death in 1989, that same defiant spirit resurfaced—this time through protest. In 2023, Hollywood came to a halt as SAG-AFTRA, the actors’ union, went on strike. The issues were modern—artificial intelligence, streaming residuals, and creative erosion—but the message echoed Davis’ 1930 battle for artistic autonomy: performers demanding to be seen not as commodities, but as collaborators.

“We are being victimized by a very greedy entity,” said Fran Drescher, SAG-AFTRA President at a rally. “If we don’t stand tall right now, we are all going to be in trouble.”

Davis’ battle, nearly 90 years earlier, rang louder than ever. She had warned of the cost of silence, modeled the risk of resistance, and demanded the right to define her own career, long before unions found their footing and strength.

She would’ve been right on the picket line in 2023—trench-coated, eyes blazing–with a sign that read what her life already proved: She did it the hard way.

The Oscars Unveiled: Power, Politics, and the Profit Behind the Glitter

February 10, 2025

19.7 million viewers tuned in for the Oscars on Sunday, the glittering ceremony representing the pinnacle of cinematic achievement to the public. However, beneath the glitz and glamour lies the history of a business entrenched in conservative values.

On May 11, 1927, Louis B. Mayer, the head of Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer founded the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences (AMPAS). After studio workers signed the first Studio Basic Agreement in 1926, Mayer and others realized that directors, actors, and writers would soon follow suit, forming their own unions.

Frustrated by the rising costs of labor agreements with Hollywood's studio construction unions and his inability to use MGM's set designers for his Santa Monica beach house, Mayer designed the Academy as a company-controlled union. This allowed him to manage labor negotiations on behalf of the studios, consolidating power firmly in the hands of Hollywood's elite.

The Oscars, now synonymous with the Academy, were initially conceived as a marketing strategy, rather than the prestigious awards ceremony they are today. The first ceremony in 1929 was a private affair with no media coverage and an attendance of just 250 guests.

Mayer famously boasted, “I found that the best way to handle [filmmakers] was to hang medals all over them… If I got them cups and awards they’d kill themselves to produce what I wanted. That’s why the Academy Award was created.” 

By the late 1930s, the Academy found itself under threat from union boycotts, as the Screen Actors Guild (SAG), Screen Writers Guild (SWG), and Screen Directors Guild (SDG) used the Oscars as a platform for their ongoing labor battles. In response, Academy president Frank Capra opted to distance the organization from union-related issues, allowing the Academy to focus solely on its primary role—hosting the Oscars.

What started as a private event celebrating films that aligned with the moral values of Hollywood elites like Mayer took an even shadier turn when publisher and politician William Randolph Hearst became involved.

According to Anthony Holden’s “Behind the Oscar,” Hearst enlisted his gossip columnist, Louella Parsons, to generate buzz about the event, hoping to secure a future Oscar for his actress girlfriend, Marion Davies. 


The Los Angeles Times reported, “Louella’s initial assignment in Hollywood was to use her column to promote the movies of Marion Davies, who was the mistress of Louella’s boss, William Randolph Hearst.”

Unsurprisingly in 1953, the Oscars made their television debut, a move driven more by the need to create a spectacle for industry insiders and cover rising production costs than by any desire to expand their audience.

The Cold War, ongoing during this time, revealed Hollywood’s political leanings in several ways, mainly with the oath required of Academy members – barring anyone associated with the Communist Party from eligibility for an Oscar.

The by-law was introduced following a buzzing mystery surrounding the name Robert Rich. The 1957 Oscars was one of the earliest televised ceremonies, with viewers watching at home as Deborah Kerr walked on stage to present the award for Best Original Screenplay.

She announced “The Brave One” as the winner, calling out “Robert Rich” as applause broke out in typical fashion. A man stepped out of the crowd and hurriedly walked towards the stage, little emotion in his eyes.

Shock rippled through the audience as it was revealed that Jesse Lasky Jr., Vice President of the SWG, would accept the award on Robert Rich’s behalf. This raised an immediate question: who exactly was Robert Rich? Rumors began to swirl, with whispers suggesting that Rich was a blacklisted writer, someone so deeply entangled in the political strife of the era that he had resorted to concealing his identity behind a pseudonym.

On Jan. 16, 1959, Dalton Trumbo, one of the “unfriendly 10” witnesses blacklisted by Hollywood at the time admitted his authorship to the House Committee on Un-American Activities. He was one of many blacklisted writers under alter egos or ghostwriting for other screenwriters until the by-law was appealed.

Hollywood was a hotbed of speculation and scandal at the time, fuelled by the rise of gossip columnists wielding great power in shaping opinion. Many spearheaded red-baiting campaigns targeting Trumbo and other members of the SWG, portraying them as dangers to American values. 

W. R. Wilkerson, founder of the Hollywood Reporter, mentioned Dalton Trumbo on a long list of “communist sympathizers” in his front-page column, leading the Academy to their blacklist of Trumbo and other union members.

In a letter, Trumbo rebutted, “Your real concern is the growing strength of the Screen Writers Guild as it moves towards its legitimate objectives, not one of which is political nor ever has been…We live in a country founded upon the principle that a man’s race, his religion, and his politics are his private concern, protected as such by law.”

The SWG’s formation was in direct opposition to the Academy, its mission rooted in enhancing the rights and protections of writers. Trumbo took issue with the media’s manipulation of public perception of the Guild, painting it as a political entity rather than a union advocating for its members' rights. 

In many ways, the story of the Oscars is a story of contradictions. From its roots as a response to rising labor movements to its involvement in McCarthy-era blacklisting, the Oscars have always been as much about protecting industry interests as they have been about recognizing artistic achievement.

At the heart of it all is a tension between the “all-American” values the Academy claims to uphold and the choices it makes, reflecting a desire to maintain control over Hollywood's image and its profitability, rather than a commitment to integrity. 

This paradox has shaped the Academy’s legacy, one in which political pressures, personal reputations, and financial concerns are inextricably woven into the fabric of Hollywood’s most prestigious award.

1950: Ingrid Bergman’s Senate Slap

February 5, 2025

Just as Ingrid Bergman reached the peak of her career, having starred in Casablanca and Gaslight, a United States senator tried to tear her down. 

On March 14, 1950, Senator Edwin C. Johnson of Colorado launched a verbal assault against Bergman, insulting her morals due to an affair with Italian film director Roberto Rossellini. He even ventured to propose a contract forcing actors and filmmakers to retire should they engage in scandal. 

Bergman and Rossellini began their romance while working on the film Stromboli, despite Bergman’s active marriage to Petter Lindstrom, a neurosurgeon. She gave birth to Rossellini’s baby, Roberto while still in the process of her public divorce. The Italian magazine Incom was the only publication to capture a photo of Roberto’s birth, stating they would go to any lengths to reveal the famed child of infidelity. 

Johnson stated, “When she feels an urge to go on an immoral binge, as a few of them do, she should have respect enough for her chosen profession to retire from it forever and forever remain in retirement…out of the ashes of Bergman will grow a better Hollywood.” He believed “unprincipled” actors’ appearance on public screens entitled them to powerful evil influence over the public.

The Motion Picture Association responded by stating “Johnson’s proposal is ‘a police state bill’ which would subject the industry to government slave control.” They said the introduction of such powers would mark the beginning of endless dictatorial legislation.

Although Sen. Johnson’s attack discouraged Bergman from returning to the United States for nine years; the star collected three more Oscars, slapping him and his controlling bill in the face.

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